Issues.

A lot of campaigns won’t talk about the issues. They want to be sanitized, built for mass appeal, avoiding conversations to not risk losing support.

We aren’t built that way.

Having the hard conversations is how we grow, how we cut through the noise, and how we come to good policy—real solutions for real problems that affect real people.

Burning Question? Ask.

A man wearing glasses and a dark blue suit standing outdoors during sunset with trees in the background.

Legislative Procedure.

  • Yes, but only when a vote is not unanimous. That strikes a balance between efficiency and accountability.

    I’ve seen firsthand the trouble undocumented voice votes cause. We can’t answer the question:

    “Who voted against forcing the Governor’s Office to testify under oath in front of Joint Performance Review?”

    That’s unacceptable.

  • It’s not possible to read, comprehend, get constituent input, and come to an informed decision on that amount of legislation in session. We have a general assembly every other year—there’s no reason bills should be being filed with 2 days left in session.

    I’d propose preferential agenda scheduling for pre-filed bills, a filing deadline far closer to the start of session than the end, and a limit on the total bills each legislator is permitted to file. Bills also need to be automatically delisted after languishing in committee for a period of time.

    This promotes efficiency, transparency, and makes participation more accessible for constituents.

  • A couple prongs to my approach to bridge this gap. First, legislators need to foster an air of approachability, not elitism. No one should ever feel intimated by the thought of talking to their representatives.

    Second, we need to be using the tools available to us to ease the burden of trying to connect with tens of thousands of people over thousands of bills and countless other matters that are important to folks. We are building an online tool to make the process of understanding impact and sharing opinions more accessible to everyone. (This will be made available to whichever candidate is elected, even if it’s not me.)

    Lastly, I think it’s important to take a page out of Sen. Greg Leding’s book and create spaces designed for constituent discussion and feedback. We’ll regularly setup in coffee shops, breakfast spots, bars, and restaurants around the district to foster informal, candid, pressure free discussions so I know what’s important to the real people out here.

Legislator Accessibility.

Voter q&A.

These are questions submitted anonymously from voters through the form above and have not been substantively edited.

  • If I’ve learned anything through my involvement in the fight against the prison, it’s that anyone can make a difference when they decide to get involved.

    Broadly, whether it’s a prison or data center or anything else, we need to retool how we’re handling these projects as a state. Due process, transparency, and accountability are all still important—even more so when projects have such far reaching impacts.

    I’ve met with concerned citizens in Clarksville twice now to explore options. And the second meeting I brought along team from Gravel & Grit, the nonprofit I founded to work on the prison. If anyone can point y’all in the right direction to finding some answers, it’s them. I’ll continue to meet with citizens on both sides of the issues and city officials to learn more.

    Send me an email (easy form below) or follow along on social media to keep up with what’s going on and get involved.

  • I’m great, thanks for asking!

    I take a more moderate position on these issues in the sense that I think the rhetoric surrounding them has been crafted to keep the electorate distracted and at odds with “the other side.” On all of these issues (and any other “hot button” ones), I believe we owe it ourselves to find sensible approaches that treat all human life with the respect and dignity it deserves without forcing others to accept a set of values to which they don’t subscribe. And to do so without the vitriol so often surrounding these topics.

    Generally, I’m supportive of measures that mean less government interference in your liberties—whether that’s in your bedroom or in your doctor’s office.

  • I’ve been quite public about my disapproval of how this administration is governing because I believe it’s going about accomplishing its goals the wrong way. Shutting out the people, accumulating power in the executive, and defying the will of the legislature all do damage to the state and set dangerous precedents for years to come.

    That being said, working with the administration is part of the job description. I’m perfectly happy to support and help further any good work they’re trying to do—and happy to give credit where it’s due. But I will always be the first to stand up when they run afoul of the people and the process.

  • Data centers are becoming more and more necessary due increasing technology and technology usage. However, they’re resource hungry and can be disruptive—often targeting small/rural towns without the guardrails in place to manage their impact effectively. As with any imposing project, their siting, planning, and development need to be carried out transparently and with the full knowledge and participation of the citizens whose lives will be impacted. Bullet proof plans need to be in place to prevent their energy usage AND generation from being absorbed by residents. And their benefits need to be weighed on a sustainable rather than one time basis. Whether it’s a data center, a crypto mine, or a prison, “economic development” (real or alleged) doesn’t excuse overreach, secrecy, or due process trampling.

  • Oppose. And I will be presenting an avenue for the public to help in this opposition soon.

  • Ronald Caldwell in the current landscape. Should he lose his primary, which would be tragic, I would have to reevaluate the candidates.

  • I would be in favor of a well-regulated adult use system. The reality is that we are moving toward federal legalization (and have already seen federal rescheduling). Arkansas would be better off getting ahead of the curve, realizing the increased revenue, and building a system that lets adults make decisions for themselves within the limits of the law.

  • I’m supportive of religious freedoms so long as they are legitimately claimed, though I think we have to be vigilant of blurring the lines between church and state and continue to be weary of the potential political actions of non-profits (whether churches or otherwise).

  • This is one of the many policy areas where I think there’s room for sensible solutions if we can scale back the hyper partisanship.

    I think the most effective way to prevent abortions is to create an Arkansas that values life beyond birth and treats the “pro-life” moniker as more than just being “pro-birth.” That means doubling down on finding solutions to keep us from being bottom of the barrel in maternal mortality, preterm labor, infant mortality, childhood quality of life, education, etc.

    I think we have to strike a balance between legislation that respects life, doesn’t punish legitimate healthcare, and provides options for those rare but tragic circumstances where continuing a pregnancy brings true harm.

  • I side with the citizens.

    I talk about this a lot on the campaign trail, but more so in the context of reassuring citizens that they’ll have an open line of communication with me:

    The job is representing YOUR views, not imposing mine on the citizens.

  • I answered a similar question above and on social media earlier so I’m copying over from there to get you a timely answer!

    I haven't talked about faith on the campaign trail because, I genuinely believe in the protections that the separation of church and state offers to both the church and state and I don't see it as my job as a lawmaker to impose my beliefs on others.

    I believe that striving every day to live a just and honorable life is a truer reflection of biblical principles than carrying around a megaphone to proclaim that I’m the best Christian, because none of us are and, at times, I've struggled in my faith just like I think anyone has.

    I tend to feel it's mostly personal to me, but if you're curious about specifics, I grew up in a split household, non-denominational on one side and Baptist (first) on the other, I've attended Episcopal, Catholic (Jesuit), and Methodist schools and extensively studied the theology of most Judeo-Christian faiths, while my wife has spent her professional career in the fundraising space for both Baptist (second) and Episcopal schools. Truly one of the highlights of the campaign process has been getting to sit in on so many different churches around the district and see how everyone worships in their own way. There are traditions I like and dislike about each, so I likely don't fit neatly into a box, similar to my politics.

    As far as decision making, the job I’m asking you to trust me with is legislating in a way that tracks the will of the people within the guidelines and mandates of the constitution. Biblical principles can guide our moral compass in that process, but we must guard against deference to our own beliefs when they may be in conflict with the needs of our constituents.

campaign finance.

  • Absolutely. And to demonstrate my commitment to the level of transparency I believe in, I've been posting summaries of my finance reports both on my Facebook and Google pages. I've also created a page on my website specifically to house these reports, which link directly to my Campaign Finance Profile so constituents don't have to navigate the SOS/Ethics website.

    That can be found here: https://www.watsonforarkansas.com/campaign-finance

    To the second part of your question, I don't think PAC money is inherently bad, but I do think candidates have a responsibility to vet what the "asks" may be of any PAC's giving them money. I'm committed to never taking money from a PAC that asks anything more of me than "represent your constituents to the best of your ability."

  • It requires bringing stake holders to the table to hear what’s working and what’s not. Clearly, funding is one of the things not working. When we’re making one time appropriations to cover expenses that existing revenue streams can’t handle, we have an inherent imbalance.

    Talking with educators across the district, the most common refrain is that accountability and transparency standards need to be applied fairly and equitably across the board for institutions receiving taxpayer funds—as a first step.

    Ultimately, it’s the same “fix” as most things—which is far less dramatic than politics is usually portrayed to be:

    1) Stakeholder involvement.

    2) Fiscally responsible funding.

    3) Transparency and accountability.

    I’d also add that, on a more causal level, we need to stop the practice of rushing through huge, broad ranging, omnibus pieces of legislation that largely rely on rule making processes for their impact to be fully fleshed out and understood.

    Kids are our future, we owe it to them—all of them—to get it as close to right as possible.

  • Generally: I strongly support public education and believe our public schools deserve stable funding, respect for educators, and accountability systems developed with the communities they serve.

    Specifically to this question: Even growth-based assessments enforce conformity when they’re required across schools with fundamentally different missions. Once an assessment becomes tied to accountability (read: funding), it inevitably realigns curriculum and instruction goals. True school choice means allowing different educational models to define and measure success in ways that align with their values, rather than folding them back into a single state framework.

    Beyond the concerns I hear from educators about growth vs achievement measuring, this is a core issue LEARNS doesn’t fully resolve. If we argue that tying accountability (and tax dollars) to a single uniform standard risks interfering with private education models, then we also have to ask a fair question: how are taxpayers assured of the efficacy of their investments in those institutions?

    Linking “choice” with “funding” creates an inherent tension. Institutions that accept public dollars inevitably invite public oversight. It cuts both ways. So it seems to me what’s good for the goose is good for the gander here. Public funds need to be spent transparently and accountably. Private schools should be introspective about what that scrutiny may mean.

Education.

direct democracy/elections.

  • I’ll have this bill drafted by next week as part of LeadAR’s Public Policy seminar in January—so it’ll be ready for pre-filing in November. The Stubblefield Swift Special Election Act.

    Mechanically, the bill is i) removing the certification of vacancy requirement when a legislator dies, thereby starting the clock automatically on the day of death, ii) requiring a written proclamation from the Governor if they decide the 150 day time frame is impractical or unduly burdensome setting out the nature of the undue burden, iii) setting a hard cap on the “as soon as practicable after the 150th day of vacancy” at 180 days post-vacancy, iv) mandating that, if the Governor fails to set the special election in either applicable time frame within 30 days post-vacancy, the special election shall be set by a majority vote of either the General Assembly if in session or ALC if out of session, and v) specifically authorizing judicial enforcement while automatically delaying any legislative votes until the election if it is set beyond the 180th day.

    There may be a few additional tweaks needed as I draft the actual bill language, but this is the framework that I think puts us in a better position.

  • Any attempt to weaken or water down our citizens’ rights to direct democracy is wholly unacceptable. I advocated against these bills during session with the support of citizens from both sides of the aisle. I applaud the court for accurately applying the law and look forward to a final decision on appeal that is in favor of the people’s right.

  • The Courts have been on a hot streak ruling for the people recently. We knew the other shoe would drop eventually, and this is a big one. Legislators are saying "we know better than the people," plain and simple.

    Now, more than ever, it's critical to send representatives to Little Rock that will listen to YOU.

    This is fixable, but it is going to take a STRONG cohort of legislators to force it through because it involves the legislature stripping its own power.

    We have a good crop of candidates this cycle—I’m hoping this (and things like it) has just shot to the top of all of their agendas. Otherwise, we’ll have to change the state motto in short order.

Prison.

  • I'm sure there's more but it's been a long year, so the list is non-exhaustive. Bottom line, from the day this ill-conceived plan was announced I've poured blood, sweat, and tears—along with countless hours and personal sacrifice—into fighting for what's right for this district. And that quickly grew from the prison itself to the rampant lack of transparency and accountability throughout our government.

    The other day I heard a candidate promise voters that they wouldn't find a candidate willing to work harder for them in Little Rock. I would say, with me, you won't find a candidate that's been working harder for you in Little Rock. And that was true before anyone knew this race would even exist—it was just the right thing to do.

    Some highlights:

    Worked from Day 1 as the Legal and Legislative Chair for the Franklin County River Valley Coalition.

    Spun off Gravel & Grit to expand and continue the work (which I've now stepped away from the day to day to keep things non-biased).

    Sent, reviewed, researched, and published tens of thousands of pages of FOIA documents.

    Written 30+ in depth articles detailing the problems with the project, the legislative process surrounding it, and the mechanism of how all of this work.

    Hosted community townhalls, workdays, and fundraisers to keep the community up to speed, engaged, and informed.

    Built relationships with media outlets all over the state and the country to help spread the word, including hosting journalists from out of state to cover the story.

    Built relationships with community leaders and nonprofit directors all over the state to learn how to organize and advocate for the district effectively.

    Built relationships with lawmakers all over the state to ensure our district's position was known and clear going into any votes.

    Testified before multiple legislative committees to present our findings and the district's position, including giving an extensive presentation under oath that a lawmaker called "the most professional presentation I've seen in my 12 years in Little Rock."

    Worked closely with Sens. King and Stubblefield to research, document, and draft items they needed.

    Hosted a film screening and panel on the mountain to dive deeper into correctional and parole issues.

    Worked with YAtP to bring a documentary team to the district and create a film telling its story.

    Made a music video.

    Almost got myself arrested trying to attend what I still contend should've been a public meeting to learn more details about the project.

    Made dozens of trips to Little Rock to attend legislative meetings at least weekly during session and every day while the prison funding bill was on the Senate floor—ultimately resulting in that bill being defeated five times. A feat that Sen. King described as "the biggest defeat to a Governor that I've seen in my 20 years in politics."

    Presented our strategy, case, and organizing tactics to other communities around the state finding themselves in similarly aggrieved situations.

    Held and attended more press conferences and interviews than I can count.

    (And I'll note that not one bit of this work was compensated.)

get in touch.

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